Ten Steps To Nirvana

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  1. #1

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    Ten Steps To Nirvana

    Uncle Tung's 10 steps to win Beijing's trust
    [absolutely not one word has been changed]



    Pointers to good mainland relations

    1 Mutual respect, trust and understanding

    2 Understanding the international environment faced by the nation

    3 Understanding the nation's determination to defend its territorial integrity

    4 Understanding the opportunities and challenges presented as the nation develops

    5 Understanding the importance of national security and stability

    6 Understanding the opportunities in, and obstacles to, becoming a strong, prosperous nation

    7 Understanding the impact of HK democracy on the interests of the central government and the nation and on the security and well-being of mainland compatriots

    8 Care and support for the advancement of the nation and compatriots

    9 Acceptance and respect of "one country, two systems"; adherence to parameters and requirements set out for SAR and the public 10 Acceptance of the limitations and conditions of"one country, two systems" while enjoying itsrights and benefits

    post your reinterpretations here

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    Thumbs up

    Quote Originally Posted by kombuchakid:
    Uncle Tung's 10 steps to win Beijing's trust
    [absolutely not one word has been changed]



    Pointers to good mainland relations

    1 Mutual respect, trust and understanding

    2 Understanding the international environment faced by the nation

    3 Understanding the nation's determination to defend its territorial integrity

    4 Understanding the opportunities and challenges presented as the nation develops

    5 Understanding the importance of national security and stability

    6 Understanding the opportunities in, and obstacles to, becoming a strong, prosperous nation

    7 Understanding the impact of HK democracy on the interests of the central government and the nation and on the security and well-being of mainland compatriots

    8 Care and support for the advancement of the nation and compatriots

    9 Acceptance and respect of "one country, two systems"; adherence to parameters and requirements set out for SAR and the public 10 Acceptance of the limitations and conditions of"one country, two systems" while enjoying itsrights and benefits

    post your reinterpretations here

    how about "Uncle Tung's 10 steps to Kiss A**"??

  3. #3

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    A plea from the Editor of the SCMP

    Saturday, May 8, 2004

    EDITORIAL/LEADER
    Put the case for Hong Kong too, Mr Tung


    The importance of winning Beijing's trust has been one of Tung Chee-hwa's strongest themes since he first set his sights on becoming chief executive. This week, he went further than ever before in trying to explain how this is to be achieved. Mr Tung set out 10 steps which he said must be followed if we are to establish good relations with the mainland. Hong Kong, he said, had much work to do on this front.


    Taken at face value, the points he raised are uncontroversial. They are best summed up by the first, which calls for "mutual respect, trust and understanding". Most Hong Kong people would agree strongly with that; few would disagree.

    ord=Math.random();ord=ord*10000000000000000000;doc ument.write('');chootMr Tung outlined his views on achieving better relations with the mainland during his question-and-answer session in Legco. The tenor of his remarks was to stress the need for respect, trust and understanding while underplaying the importance of the word "mutual". Building trust is not a one-sided affair: it requires effort by both sides. His road map will help Hong Kong people win the trust of the central government. But it does not recognise there is another side to the equation. There is no hint of an intention to put the case for Hong Kong.

    The chief executive has a constitutional duty to be accountable to two masters. It is a difficult role to carry out. He is responsible to the central government, and here Mr Tung's track record is faultless. But he is also responsible to Hong Kong: the chief executive has a duty to represent the people he governs. Here, Mr Tung too often disappoints. The need to pay attention to both parts of the role has never been more important. Mr Tung is in the ideal position to act as an honest broker between Hong Kong and the mainland. But this, by definition, involves more than simply expressing support for the central government's views.

    Certainly, the most constructive way forward in developing a better relationship is through dialogue rather than confrontation. And there can be no doubt this will require that the mainland's position is known and respected. But understanding, and trying to accommodate, the central authorities' views is not the same as accepting them blindly. Beijing must be presented with an accurate picture of the position in our city. Mainstream opinions, values and beliefs within Hong Kong should be truthfully reflected - even when they differ from those of people on the mainland. Mr Tung should be willing to talk to mainland officials about the Hong Kong he governs and its people - their traits, their hopes and their aspirations, political as well as economic.

    The chief executive's duties go beyond making such views known. He should be explaining them and helping the mainland understand them. Perhaps he does this in private, but there has been little sign of it publicly in recent times.

    Mr Tung might profitably read again comments he made in 1996, when he was a candidate for the top job, setting out his blueprint for the future. Then, as now, he emphasised the need to establish a working relationship with the mainland based on mutual understanding and trust. Then, as now, he stressed that consensus was better than confrontation. However, at that time he put forward these principles in a more balanced way. He also spoke of the need for a strong government to stand up for Hong Kong. Negotiation, he said, does not mean spinelessness.

    In previous speeches, Mr Tung has suggested the trust of the central government had already been won. Take his 2001 policy address, for example. He praised efforts to uphold the rule of law and maintain our city's "liberal and open systems". He added: "In this, we have the full trust of the central government." Presumably, that trust was lost, or battered, when 500,000 people marched on July 1. Mr Tung, as Hong Kong's leader, can and should help rebuild it. That will require him not only to support the central government but also to back Hong Kong and its people.

    http://focus.scmp.com/focusnews/ZZZIGFREXRD.html

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    intriguing meander through the ten points

    Michael DeGolyer is an associate professor of the government and international studies department at Hong Kong Baptist University

    __________________________________________________ ______

    While the Constitutional Reform Task Force has released guidelines for consultations on the 2007 and 2008 election reforms to be put before the Legislative Council elected in September, Tung Chee-hwa must agree to forward them to the National People's Congress Standing Committee once 40 of the 60 Legco members approve and after deciding whether they conform to his 10 considerations for the protection of mainland sensitivities. As the Standing Committee emphatically reminded, it will have final say whether plans accord with its nine principles and two interpretations of the Basic Law.


    That is the simple part. Complications come with wrangling over which new interest groups get seats among the expanded number of functional constituencies. Already, people of easy virtue are lining up.

    I don't mean those willing to sell themselves for influence but those who sell themselves for money. Okay, maybe that's not clear enough. I mean whores literally, or sex workers as they and the politically correct prefer.

    Sex workers insist if anyone fits the phrase ``functional constituency'' they do. They assert they vastly outnumber the 167 corporate votes of the Agricultural and Fisheries constituency, for example.

    Sex is far more important to Hong Kong's prosperity and stability than fishing and growing choy sum, they pout. I'll say.

    It amounts to giving the chickens the vote, though. But just imagine how lively Legco debates will be once the sex worker's representative gets into it with the Secretary for Security over Mong Kok vice sweeps.

    Prostitutes feel it isn't fair to lump them in with more than four million voters who share 30 seats. They want representation among the fewer than 150,000 people and 13,500 groups, firms and unions that get the other 30.

    I'm sure cotton mill owners will do what they can to keep their seat even though, with all their factories across the border, they employ almost no one here. But textile magnates are not alone in having so much power among so few. Take teachers and nurses out, and fewer than 100,000 functional voters return 28 of 60 Legco seats. And the Standing Committee wants us to expand this system with its glaring inequities.

    Meanwhile, lack of mandate and legitimacy so cripple the government that even rating agencies Standard and Poor's and Moody's noticed. The rising risk of social upheaval will cost us from our risk ratings hitting mainland levels.

    We could do much to improve governance and legitimacy. For example, as I pointed out last week, getting Hong Kong's Legco representation equivalent proportionately to Macau's would be a good start. But the half directly elected, half functional elected Legco rule the Standing Committee laid down threatens to turn into a hair-pulling cat fight among special interests, leaving things worse instead of better off. And a Macau representation ratio for Legco would mean an unwieldy body with more than 400 legislators.

    We also need to fix another acknowledged problem, the lack of opportunity for political parties to develop leadership and relations with both the grassroots and government. So what's my magic formula?

    Expand Legco by 18 seats directly elected from each District Council (DC) area. Match these directly elected seats with 18 functionally elected by DC members among themselves. Take the one Legco seat currently held by a DC representative and give it to election by the 5,000 or so members of the officially recognised consultancy boards and committees. Ensure no one on consultancy boards holds more than one position and thus more than one vote.

    Service consequentially in the DCs would be a path upwards to Legco for 36 out of 500 instead of just one. We would get more interest and better candidates at the grass roots. Constituency service, a model dominant in the DCs and determinative of election with the exception of the extraordinary November 2003 poll, would become much more influential in Legco than leading protests for the media, the model dominating election strategies for Legco now. Party coalitions would form at the DC level to win majorities on the councils to elect chairs and the Legco representative, making coalition co-operation stronger.

    To avoid appointees ruining the improved legitimacy and communication with the public these moves would make, have the 2007 DC elections return all 500 seats with no appointees. And put all 500 on an expanded election committee.

    These changes would be certain to improve governance and legitimacy. They don't breach any of the 10 considerations, nine conditions or two interpretations.

    http://www.thestandard.com.hk/column...&ArticleID=311

  5. #5

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    one more step to the big N

    http://www.scmp.com/topnews/ZZZHD1SEXRD.html


    Give rally a miss, says top Buddhist
    Monk claims Hong Kong is in chaos, and calls on democrats to give up fight


    Hong Kong's chief Buddhist monk has called on the public not to take part in the July 1 demonstration in order to maintain social harmony.


    Protesting would bring more instability to an already "chaotic" society, he said.

    if (navigator.mimeTypes && navigator.mimeTypes["application/x-shockwave-flash"] && navigator.mimeTypes["application/x-shockwave-flash"].enabledPlugin) { if (navigator.plugins && navigator.plugins["Shockwave Flash"] && (versionIndex = navigator.plugins["Shockwave Flash"].description.indexOf(".")) != - 1) { var versionString = navigator.plugins["Shockwave Flash"].description.substring(versionIndex-1, versionIndex); versionIndex = parseInt( versionString ); if ( versionIndex >= 5 ) { FlashMode = 1; } }}else if (navigator.userAgent && navigator.userAgent.indexOf("MSIE")>=0 && navigator.userAgent.indexOf("Windows 3.1")==-1 && navigator.userAgent.indexOf("Windows")!=-1) { document.write(' \n'); document.write('on error resume next \n'); document.write('FlashMode = (IsObject(CreateObject("ShockwaveFlash.ShockwaveFl ash.5"))) \n'); document.write(' \n');}function gourl_ba1(){Newin= wxWZ("");Newin.location.href="http://adserver.scmp.com/RealMedia/ads/click_lx.ads/news.scmp.com/articles/18249/Middle/SCPMPUROS04BA/300x25011.html/64613637386562663430396439646530?";}if ( FlashMode ) { document.write(' ></b>');} else { document.write('choot');}//--> on error resume next FlashMode = (IsObject(CreateObject("ShockwaveFlash.ShockwaveFl ash.5"))) chootchootThe Venerable Kok Kwong - who is president of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association and a former drafter of the Basic Law - said people should stop fighting for universal suffrage in 2007 because this was a goal that would only be fulfilled when the time was ripe.

    Sik Kok Kwong, who has a close relationship with senior state officials and leading tycoons, told the South China Morning Post he was worried about the social and political situation.

    "I have been in Hong Kong more than 60 years and I have never seen so much chaos like now. People's hearts are not in peace. They are not content. They only seek to topple each other," he said.

    Hong Kong religious leaders seldomly comment publicly on politics, with the exception of Catholic Bishop Joseph Zen Ze-kiun, who has long pledged his support for universal suffrage and has urged the public to take to the streets.

    Sik Kok Kwong warned that demonstrations such as that on July 1, at which tens of thousands of people are expected to voice their discontent against Beijing's decision, would further destabilise society. "It is best if we Buddhists don't participate in politics, and there would be peace. We all should not participate in things like demonstrations," he said, adding that the public should instead maintain social harmony.

    While democracy was the ultimate goal as stated in the Basic Law, conditions in Hong Kong were not mature enough for it, he said. Beijing's wishes must be considered when discussing constitutional reform.

    "Beijing has sovereignty and Hong Kong is only a special administrative region of China. Even President Hu Jintao was elected by only a few people," he said.

    "We say in Buddhism that we should act in response to opportunity. When the time is ripe, universal suffrage will automatically become a reality. A few years' delay really doesn't matter."

    Direct elections would not necessarily produce a good chief executive, he said.

    "If we say Tung Chee-hwa is not good, do you think the person elected by universal suffrage would be better? Whether the person is good or bad depends on his correlation with others," said Sik Kok Kwong, who is a member of the Election Committee that selects the chief executive. "I think Tung has done a good job. He is very tolerant for he has endured daily criticism. People's hearts are just not content